So, Plaid have made a decision to pull out of talks with Labour and pursue the Liberal/Tory coalition agreement. Well, most of Plaid have. Within minutes of Plaid announcing it's decision, four AMs ventured forth and announced their opposition to the idea of governing with the aforementioned parties, presumably on the basis that the Tories are evil and Maggie is coming to eat our coal mines. The fact that this is 2007 and not 1987 seems to have passed certian opinions by.
Anyhow, Plaid are now in danger of coming out of this with nothing at all, if only because the other two parties will now assume (possibly correctly) that Plaid lacks the requisite unity to form a cohesive and above all reliable part of the coalition. It seems in this day and age everyone is expected to make concessions except the left; evidently it is the left-wing way or no way!
Before this breaking of the ranks there were three likely outcomes:
1: Plaid form a government with the LibDems and Tories.
This would give Plaid the office of First Minister, as well as the bulk of the cabinet posts. There would however be no vote on a referendum as the coalition would control less than the required 40 votes.
2: Plaid form a government with Labour.
This would give Plaid one or two cabinet seats and a number of concesions, incluidng a possible vote in the Assembly on a referendum (Plaid and Labour between them have more than 40 seats).
3: Plaid remain in opposition, coming to an understanding of some kind with Labour on a vote-by-vote basis. Plaid would hold no cabinet seats. It is again possible that there could be an agreement that the Labour party support a vote in the Assembly on a referendum in return for more consistent support, although this is less likely.
On the face of it, 2 and possibly 3 have the most appeal on the basis that they hold out the possibilty of a referendum on more power for the Assembly, but this is not necessarily so. Firstly, even if the Labour party in the Assembly support the vote and pass the motion, there is no guarantee that Westminster would do the same, thereby stopping the motion at the doors of the House of Commons. Secondly, even if it did get through Westminster, there is no guarantee that Labour would support the argument for more powers in a referendum campaign. Without the support of Labour, who could be expected to side with the Tories in opposing such a measure, the referendum could conceivably end in disaster and kill off the issue for decades. Given the aggravation that certain Labour party members caused the last time this issue was addressed, and given that the Tories in Westminster would jump on any excuse to deprive Welsh MPs of their influence (and possibly thier jobs), it is unlikely that the Labour party would support a 'Yes' vote in such a refendum. In return for this false concession, Plaid would be reduced to political vagrancy, having turned on it's erstwhile coalition partners, and receiving only the odd scrap from the Labour party on those rare occasions things come to a vote in the chamber (contrary to popular perception, most decisions are made and enacted well away from the Assembly chamber), having recived and wasted their one major concession from the Labour party. Realistically, there will be no succesful referendum vote during this Assembly term.
In terms of achieving power (presumably the ambition of any political party), the first option is by far and away the best. Although there would be no referendum (not that there would be one anyway), Plaid would enjoy considerable executive and not inconsiderable legislative power. As the bulk of the Assembly's power is executive in nature (i.e. decisions are made by those who carry them out, and not by the legislature (the 60 AMs in the chamber itself)), Plaid would find itself in a position to enact what it had previously only been able to dream about and beg for. Aside from the referendum vote, all Assembly votes need only a simple majority to pass, which means other measures that do require a vote, such as legislation on the Welsh language, would be passed by the coalition. Naturally, there would have to be concesisons to the other parties, but these would be less than the Labour party would ask for and also Plaid would get a more in return, since Plaid would be the biggest party. This however would depend somewhat on the negotiating skills of the leadership, but given Plaid's position as the biggest of the three coalition parties, it is not unreasonable to assume that Plaid would be the greatest influence.
All in all, in terms of political progress, not just for Plaid, but for Wales as a whole, the Lib/Tory coalition represents the best option. So this increasingly futlie pandering to an illusory left-wing sentiment is costing Plaid it's chance to improve the Welsh nation. Wales is no more left-wing than any other European country, and this idiotic confusion between left-wing ideology and simple fair-play (a.k.a. social jusitce) needs to end. So for that matter does this notion that Labour is a left-wing party, and by associating with it Plaid will gain some credibility when some of the magic 'lefty dust' rubs off onto it along with some of Labour's votes. If people vote for Plaid it is because of it's will to stand up solely for Wales and her communities, and not because of it's increasingly over-indulged lefty fixation.
Perhaps the nationalist cause will realise that it is better off with a sense of 21st century political maturity and compromise coupled with a strong nationalist cause, and not with the spent force of 19th and 20th century Labourite ideology. Notions of right and left are being replaced by notions of right and wrong. If Plaid wants to do what it believes is right, then it must take the opportunity presented to it and not be misled by a deaf ideology.
Tuesday 22 May 2007
Saturday 19 May 2007
So near, yet so far
For the first time since the days of Glyndwr, there is a realistic chance that at least some aspects of the Welsh national life will be governed by people for whom the Welsh nation is their first, last and only concern. This is not a certainty, and even if it does happen there are still plenty of other bodies in Wales that remain securely controlled by the British, but the opportunity is by far the best the nation has had for centuries.
This chance is of course the prospect of Plaid forming part of the next Welsh Assembly administration. Obviously there will be other (British) parties involved, and Plaid will probably only have four seats at the most in the cabinet, but the simple fact that there will be Plaid members in control of Welsh institutions would represent a significant advance in the fortunes of Wales. From a small meeting in Pwllheli in 1925 Plaid has grown into a credible political force whose obvious purpose, to advance the cause of the Welsh nation, has resulted in some significant (though still inadequate) concessions from the British state. All this was done when Plaid was little more than a cultural pressure group, and even with the advent of a more professional and political character which has been slowly maturing since Gwynfor’s victory of 1966, Plaid has remained a body of opposition, with the initiative and the power remaining firmly in the hands of a remote, indifferent and contemptuous British government, faithfully served by it’s British minions (mostly self-serving Welshmen, it has to be said) here in the colony.
For the first time ever, Plaid has a chance of not being in opposition, but actually in power, to be the one who makes the decisions, to be the one sitting behind the ministerial desk and not kneeling before it, begging for rights for the indigenous Welsh while the privileges of the ruling British are studiously upheld by the system, as has hitherto been the case. With this prospect however also comes the prospect of responsibility, and also accountability. While the British are free to do as they please in and with Wales, Plaid, standing as it does solely in and for Wales, cannot rely on British votes to prop up it’s authority in Wales. For that reason it must be extremely careful and take every opportunity to explain their actions to the Welsh people and respect the nation from which it grew. This may sound obvious, but political power can have unfortunate effects on a person’s attitude. In any case, it is vitally important that Plaid proves to the Welsh nation and to the world that it is fit to govern a country, albeit in a limited fashion, that it has the courage of it’s convictions to put them into effect when it has the chance to do so, and that a nation governed by it’s own people will, in the end, be in a better condition than one which is governed from beyond it’s borders.
This chance is of course the prospect of Plaid forming part of the next Welsh Assembly administration. Obviously there will be other (British) parties involved, and Plaid will probably only have four seats at the most in the cabinet, but the simple fact that there will be Plaid members in control of Welsh institutions would represent a significant advance in the fortunes of Wales. From a small meeting in Pwllheli in 1925 Plaid has grown into a credible political force whose obvious purpose, to advance the cause of the Welsh nation, has resulted in some significant (though still inadequate) concessions from the British state. All this was done when Plaid was little more than a cultural pressure group, and even with the advent of a more professional and political character which has been slowly maturing since Gwynfor’s victory of 1966, Plaid has remained a body of opposition, with the initiative and the power remaining firmly in the hands of a remote, indifferent and contemptuous British government, faithfully served by it’s British minions (mostly self-serving Welshmen, it has to be said) here in the colony.
For the first time ever, Plaid has a chance of not being in opposition, but actually in power, to be the one who makes the decisions, to be the one sitting behind the ministerial desk and not kneeling before it, begging for rights for the indigenous Welsh while the privileges of the ruling British are studiously upheld by the system, as has hitherto been the case. With this prospect however also comes the prospect of responsibility, and also accountability. While the British are free to do as they please in and with Wales, Plaid, standing as it does solely in and for Wales, cannot rely on British votes to prop up it’s authority in Wales. For that reason it must be extremely careful and take every opportunity to explain their actions to the Welsh people and respect the nation from which it grew. This may sound obvious, but political power can have unfortunate effects on a person’s attitude. In any case, it is vitally important that Plaid proves to the Welsh nation and to the world that it is fit to govern a country, albeit in a limited fashion, that it has the courage of it’s convictions to put them into effect when it has the chance to do so, and that a nation governed by it’s own people will, in the end, be in a better condition than one which is governed from beyond it’s borders.
Saturday 10 March 2007
Women
Politicians are voted into office to represent people's opinions, not their anatomy. If a person is particularly good at representing the opinions of their fellow constituents, then their fellow constituents should vote them into office, irrespective of their race, age, height, gender or creed.
Easier said than done.
It would be hopelessly dim to believe that we live in a society free from prejudice, and as there those amongst us who are racist, so there are those who are sexist too. For that reason, women have until quite recently found it very difficult to get into places like golf clubs and parliament. For that reason, rather than win the day through reasoned argument, some thought it better to resort to more compulsive methods of getting women into the top jobs. Thus 'positive discrimination' was born. Brilliant! Don't give them a choice. It's woman or woman, so make your mind up! The inevitable result was that the number of women in the Assembly, amongst other institutions, increased markedly from what it otherwise would be.
Now the problem. You see 'positive discrimination', however you dress it up, is still discrimination. In this context, if a man applies for a position, he will be flatly turned down because he is a man. Thus one has simply replaced popular sex discrimination in favour of men with institutional sex discrimination in favour of women. The only way this stands even the remotest chance of achieving moral acceptability is if for every seat you reserve for a woman, you also reserve another, equally winnable seat for a man. This only stands up to scrutiny if one believes that politicians are there to represent anatomy as well as opinion. This also goes against the idea of a meritocracy, where it is individual ability that allows for progression, since one would thereby sacrifice ability for gender and so ensure we have a perfect 50/50 gender split of second rate politicians. 'Positive discrimination' is also undemocratic, since it does not permit a pure expression of will. It may also be the case that an extremely able female politician who was by far and away the best candidate finds her credibility somewhat undermined by observations that she only had to contend with a fraction of the possible number of competitors for her position as a result of 'positive discrimination'.
Of course, the final say is with people, and one Peter Law showed what could happen in these circumstances. The irony of it is that events conspired to see a woman hold that seat (Blaenau Gwent) in the assembly, a woman who got in without the direct of help positive discrimination and in fact would not have become an AM if the original reaction against 'positive discrimination' had not occurred. So in a haphazard and roundabout fashion, 'positive discrimination' did get a woman into office in a legitimate fashion after all.
Easier said than done.
It would be hopelessly dim to believe that we live in a society free from prejudice, and as there those amongst us who are racist, so there are those who are sexist too. For that reason, women have until quite recently found it very difficult to get into places like golf clubs and parliament. For that reason, rather than win the day through reasoned argument, some thought it better to resort to more compulsive methods of getting women into the top jobs. Thus 'positive discrimination' was born. Brilliant! Don't give them a choice. It's woman or woman, so make your mind up! The inevitable result was that the number of women in the Assembly, amongst other institutions, increased markedly from what it otherwise would be.
Now the problem. You see 'positive discrimination', however you dress it up, is still discrimination. In this context, if a man applies for a position, he will be flatly turned down because he is a man. Thus one has simply replaced popular sex discrimination in favour of men with institutional sex discrimination in favour of women. The only way this stands even the remotest chance of achieving moral acceptability is if for every seat you reserve for a woman, you also reserve another, equally winnable seat for a man. This only stands up to scrutiny if one believes that politicians are there to represent anatomy as well as opinion. This also goes against the idea of a meritocracy, where it is individual ability that allows for progression, since one would thereby sacrifice ability for gender and so ensure we have a perfect 50/50 gender split of second rate politicians. 'Positive discrimination' is also undemocratic, since it does not permit a pure expression of will. It may also be the case that an extremely able female politician who was by far and away the best candidate finds her credibility somewhat undermined by observations that she only had to contend with a fraction of the possible number of competitors for her position as a result of 'positive discrimination'.
Of course, the final say is with people, and one Peter Law showed what could happen in these circumstances. The irony of it is that events conspired to see a woman hold that seat (Blaenau Gwent) in the assembly, a woman who got in without the direct of help positive discrimination and in fact would not have become an AM if the original reaction against 'positive discrimination' had not occurred. So in a haphazard and roundabout fashion, 'positive discrimination' did get a woman into office in a legitimate fashion after all.
Middle of nowhere.
It is often claimed that all the mainstream political parties are the same, and that rather than a contest of ideologies, politics has become a contest for the middle ground. In a country largely free of discomfort and where horrendous social injustice is increasingly confined to the inaudible few, it is no surprise that people want the status quo, and a steady 'more-of-the-same' line from their politicians.
This is something of a obstacle for Welsh nationalism. As a cause, it tends to thrive off injustice and outrage, and God only knows there has been enough of that throughout Welsh history. However, in recent times, the causes that could once again fuel the nationalist fire and give cause to alter the political status quo, in Wales at least, have not come to the public fore. Issues such as the ability of Westminster to out-muscle any Welsh dissent in the governance of Wales (don't think for a minute that over-glazed hole-in-the-ground down in the Bay would make a blind bit of difference should something of that nature occur), the purging of rural areas of their indigenous inhabitants (Edward I didn't need an army. A free and unregulated housing market would have done the trick at a fraction of the cost to the royal purse) and the hopeless over reliance of the Welsh rural economy on a seasonal, menial and poorly-paid luxury industry like tourism (luxury in the sense that it will be the first to feel the pinch should the economy splutter a little) are just a few examples.
The trouble is that these issues are perceived as either rocking the boat (tut tut) or extremely boring (yawn). Not because they necessarily are boat-rocking or boring, but because they don't fit in with the cosy established agenda of those in charge, which has had a decade to gel (or fester, depending on your point of view). None of the above issues are esspecially controversial. They simply require recognition and the will to do something useful. Sticking one's fingers in one's ears and humming loudly will not make the problem go away. From Westminster these may seem like small problems, but from Wales they are somewhat larger, and simply fiddling about on the centre ground in an ineffectul sort of way and contriving to hopelessly bog things down in a left/right debate when somebody tries to do something constructive is not useful.
This is something of a obstacle for Welsh nationalism. As a cause, it tends to thrive off injustice and outrage, and God only knows there has been enough of that throughout Welsh history. However, in recent times, the causes that could once again fuel the nationalist fire and give cause to alter the political status quo, in Wales at least, have not come to the public fore. Issues such as the ability of Westminster to out-muscle any Welsh dissent in the governance of Wales (don't think for a minute that over-glazed hole-in-the-ground down in the Bay would make a blind bit of difference should something of that nature occur), the purging of rural areas of their indigenous inhabitants (Edward I didn't need an army. A free and unregulated housing market would have done the trick at a fraction of the cost to the royal purse) and the hopeless over reliance of the Welsh rural economy on a seasonal, menial and poorly-paid luxury industry like tourism (luxury in the sense that it will be the first to feel the pinch should the economy splutter a little) are just a few examples.
The trouble is that these issues are perceived as either rocking the boat (tut tut) or extremely boring (yawn). Not because they necessarily are boat-rocking or boring, but because they don't fit in with the cosy established agenda of those in charge, which has had a decade to gel (or fester, depending on your point of view). None of the above issues are esspecially controversial. They simply require recognition and the will to do something useful. Sticking one's fingers in one's ears and humming loudly will not make the problem go away. From Westminster these may seem like small problems, but from Wales they are somewhat larger, and simply fiddling about on the centre ground in an ineffectul sort of way and contriving to hopelessly bog things down in a left/right debate when somebody tries to do something constructive is not useful.
Tuesday 20 February 2007
Nothing to Report
So another week passes in the exciting world of Welsh politics. So what has happened that so animates the masses? What event has awakened the interest of the nation and has caused such fierce debate around countless half-empty beer glasses in thousands of pubs up and down the land? Well? What?
Nothing of course.
Therein lays the problem for the Welsh people. So long as they have a glorified county borough council sitting in a poor quality hole in a rather pretentious and already decrepit-looking Cardiff Bay, nothing will ever happen to convince the Welsh people that their £50,000-a-year AMs are providing anything like value for hard-earned money. Naturally there is some relief to be had from the fact that we are no longer governed in a rather cavalier fashion by that colonial administration known as the Welsh Office. After all, we now enjoy the opinion of (supposedly) accountable individuals who preside over the mundane level of government the Assembly represents.
Mundane?! Let the cry go up! Mundane indeed! What of the free bus passes for the elderly?! What of the free school breakfasts for our dear darling ever-spoilt children?! What of the end to prescription charges?! What of them?! True enough, these are no doubt worthwhile introductions. I simply fail to see why it took 60 AMs on vast salaries with umpteen minions apiece to bring into effect these lovely thoughts. Surely a request from one senior civil servant to a slightly less senior civil servant to sort out this good idea he/she/it had while sitting in the bath the other night would have been sufficient? But then if this is all the Welsh Assembly has the power to do, the poor dabs could be forgiven for trying to talk it up.
For my part, I can’t see a load of cross-looking Saxons sitting on Offa’s Dyke looking covetously across the border. As much as it would upset many Welsh people to know it, our beloved neighbours really have got more important things to do, and more important decisions to make. I only wish the same could be said for those idle mouths down in oh-so-fashionable Cardiff Bay, who enjoy the salaries and the comfortable surroundings of an important governing body worthy of comparable respect, but not the will, the courage, or the authority.
PS: For those of you expecting great things from the new Government of Wales Act, I wouldn’t hold your breath.
Nothing of course.
Therein lays the problem for the Welsh people. So long as they have a glorified county borough council sitting in a poor quality hole in a rather pretentious and already decrepit-looking Cardiff Bay, nothing will ever happen to convince the Welsh people that their £50,000-a-year AMs are providing anything like value for hard-earned money. Naturally there is some relief to be had from the fact that we are no longer governed in a rather cavalier fashion by that colonial administration known as the Welsh Office. After all, we now enjoy the opinion of (supposedly) accountable individuals who preside over the mundane level of government the Assembly represents.
Mundane?! Let the cry go up! Mundane indeed! What of the free bus passes for the elderly?! What of the free school breakfasts for our dear darling ever-spoilt children?! What of the end to prescription charges?! What of them?! True enough, these are no doubt worthwhile introductions. I simply fail to see why it took 60 AMs on vast salaries with umpteen minions apiece to bring into effect these lovely thoughts. Surely a request from one senior civil servant to a slightly less senior civil servant to sort out this good idea he/she/it had while sitting in the bath the other night would have been sufficient? But then if this is all the Welsh Assembly has the power to do, the poor dabs could be forgiven for trying to talk it up.
For my part, I can’t see a load of cross-looking Saxons sitting on Offa’s Dyke looking covetously across the border. As much as it would upset many Welsh people to know it, our beloved neighbours really have got more important things to do, and more important decisions to make. I only wish the same could be said for those idle mouths down in oh-so-fashionable Cardiff Bay, who enjoy the salaries and the comfortable surroundings of an important governing body worthy of comparable respect, but not the will, the courage, or the authority.
PS: For those of you expecting great things from the new Government of Wales Act, I wouldn’t hold your breath.
Saturday 10 February 2007
We all love the language
Wales has a lot to be grateful for when it comes to the Welsh language, as for centuries it was the only truly national entity in Wales that preserved our identity and thereby our nation. When all that was so very British was busily grinding down or shipping out anything that was of worth, the language, and whatever consequent identity it could produce, proved to be a valuable bank of Welsh heritage and culture.
This is perhaps why many within and without our nation really don’t like it. While the stench of decaying imperialism can still pervade the corridors of various government departments in London (and probably the conversation around the odd dinner table too), we in Wales also have to contend with those within our nation who attempt to ingratiate themselves with the British by being a hindrance to the Welsh. For that reason we were treated last Wednesday morning to the sight of Cymdeithas yr Iaith demonstrating in favour of a new language act, while the (supposedly Welsh) Labour government in turn repeated their opposition to granting the Welsh language anything more than token rights. That the two other British parties in the assembly joined Cymdeithas outside the assembly just goes to show that giving the Welsh people the right to use their own language in their own country may not be such a silly idea after all…
Of course, if the Welsh language survives as a cohesive and established community language, the sense of Welsh identity will also survive, and may intensify into nationalism. This probably goes some way to explaining why the Labour Assembly Government has done practically nothing to sustain the language in it’s heartlands. The last census showed another disastrous drop in the percentage of Welsh speakers in the ‘Fro Gymraeg’, and yet this has gone largely unremarked upon, and very little has been done officially to prevent further crippling losses. Indeed, from the point of view of the self-interested politician and the British nationalist, the destructive processes currently working on the Welsh language should be left to get on with it.
This is perhaps why many within and without our nation really don’t like it. While the stench of decaying imperialism can still pervade the corridors of various government departments in London (and probably the conversation around the odd dinner table too), we in Wales also have to contend with those within our nation who attempt to ingratiate themselves with the British by being a hindrance to the Welsh. For that reason we were treated last Wednesday morning to the sight of Cymdeithas yr Iaith demonstrating in favour of a new language act, while the (supposedly Welsh) Labour government in turn repeated their opposition to granting the Welsh language anything more than token rights. That the two other British parties in the assembly joined Cymdeithas outside the assembly just goes to show that giving the Welsh people the right to use their own language in their own country may not be such a silly idea after all…
Of course, if the Welsh language survives as a cohesive and established community language, the sense of Welsh identity will also survive, and may intensify into nationalism. This probably goes some way to explaining why the Labour Assembly Government has done practically nothing to sustain the language in it’s heartlands. The last census showed another disastrous drop in the percentage of Welsh speakers in the ‘Fro Gymraeg’, and yet this has gone largely unremarked upon, and very little has been done officially to prevent further crippling losses. Indeed, from the point of view of the self-interested politician and the British nationalist, the destructive processes currently working on the Welsh language should be left to get on with it.
Friday 9 February 2007
Phone a Friend?
Last Thursday evening I was just settling down with mug of tea and a biscuit in front of that gem of modern political commentary that is ‘Dragon’s Eye’, ready for more cosy reassurances regarding the Welsh political world before I went to bed, when I was for the second time in living memory treated to another upsetting performance by the self-appointed Party of Wales.
While time and space do not permit a full narrative of what I and thousands of others witnessed that chilly evening, suffice to say I did not enjoy an easy sleep that night.
If the collection of wise neo-Socialists who run the Nationalist party of Wales (does this make then National-Socialists?) assume an innate desire for the furtherance of Welsh nationhood, surely any opportunity to put forward the case for INDEPENDENCE would then be grabbed with open arms. Instead we are treated to the sight of a Plaid candidate for the forthcoming elections (and one who will almost certainly win her seat, unless of course Plaid perform really miserably…) phoning a friend to establish exactly what should be said in the event of being asked about, well, Welsh national freedom/self-government/full national status/self determination/independence. Meanwhile, a popular musician with little or no involvement in Welsh politics passed a delightful interview with a nice man from the BBC explaining without any hesitation why he felt entirely comfortable with Welsh independence and didn’t need to a: break out in a sweat b: lie or c: panic when proclaiming his belief to anyone who would listen
If the most nationalist party in Wales lacks the absolute and invulnerable commitment to independence that would allow it to, amongst other things, conduct an interview on the matter without fleeing to the nearest phone for instructions, then one could be forgiven for asking what hope do the Welsh people and their nation have?
While time and space do not permit a full narrative of what I and thousands of others witnessed that chilly evening, suffice to say I did not enjoy an easy sleep that night.
If the collection of wise neo-Socialists who run the Nationalist party of Wales (does this make then National-Socialists?) assume an innate desire for the furtherance of Welsh nationhood, surely any opportunity to put forward the case for INDEPENDENCE would then be grabbed with open arms. Instead we are treated to the sight of a Plaid candidate for the forthcoming elections (and one who will almost certainly win her seat, unless of course Plaid perform really miserably…) phoning a friend to establish exactly what should be said in the event of being asked about, well, Welsh national freedom/self-government/full national status/self determination/independence. Meanwhile, a popular musician with little or no involvement in Welsh politics passed a delightful interview with a nice man from the BBC explaining without any hesitation why he felt entirely comfortable with Welsh independence and didn’t need to a: break out in a sweat b: lie or c: panic when proclaiming his belief to anyone who would listen
If the most nationalist party in Wales lacks the absolute and invulnerable commitment to independence that would allow it to, amongst other things, conduct an interview on the matter without fleeing to the nearest phone for instructions, then one could be forgiven for asking what hope do the Welsh people and their nation have?
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